Showing posts with label UNCLOS dispute settlement mechanism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label UNCLOS dispute settlement mechanism. Show all posts

Friday, October 9, 2009

Bangladesh Invokes UNCLOS Dispute Settlement Mechanism to Resolve Territorial Maritime Disputes With India & Myanmar

http://www.modernghana.com/news/242616/1/bangladesh-starts-reacting-to-maritime-dispute.html


Bangladesh Starts Reacting to Maritime Dispute


By Salah Uddin Shoaib Choudhury


ModernGhana.com


October 9, 2009



On Thursday [October 8, 2009], Bangladesh has served legal notive on India and Myanmar to settle the disputes over maritime boundary claims before a United Nations [UN] tribunals as it decided to take the issue to a compulsory arbitration under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. Disputes over the territorial waters amongst the three countries are preventing Bangladesh from extracting marine resources and establishing its sovereignty in the Bay of Bengal.



Bangladesh is yet to delimit its maritime boundary with its neighbours in Bay of Bengal, that is Myanmar on eastern side and India on its western side. Myanmar and India agreed on maritime territory between themselves but they need to solve the maritime boundary issues with Bangladesh.
During the last quarter of 2008, this problem gained momentum in the area near 50 nautical miles southwest of the St. Martin Island when Myanmar sent four offshore exploration vessels [2 Bahamas registered and 2 Belize registered] escorted by 2 naval ships to facilitate the South Korean Daewoo Company to explore the oil and gas resources. The situation become complicated when the Bangladesh Navy also positioned three ships at the spot after the Myanmar side reportedly began oil and gas exploration in that area. Despite protests by Bangladesh, citing sovereignty issues, the Myanmar government said that it would continue exploration in the Bay of Bengal. It stopped the oil and gas exploration in deep-sea blocks in disputed waters, a day after Bangladesh asked China to mediate the issue. Myanmar however has claimed that withdrawal was not because of the Bangladesh request; apparently the South Korean company had completed its seismic survey in Block AD-7. Although the tension has slowed down, the crisis is yet to be solved.


According to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea [UNCLOS] 1982, a nation can claims 12 nautical miles of territorial sea, 200 nautical miles of Exclusive Economic Zone, and 350 nautical miles of continental shelf. Generally a state's EEZ extends to a distance of 200 nautical miles [370kms] out from its coast. However, in the case of Bangladesh, India and Myanmar, the situation became difficult as coasts of these countries follow a curve which has led overaping of territory. Yet, neither party was interested to take it to UN, nor did they agree for joint survey mechanism, that India follows with Pakistan. Under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea [UNCLOS] Bangladesh too has to file its claim by July 27, 2011.


Bangladesh's foreign minister Dr. Dipu Moni told newsmen on October 8, 2009 that Dhaka has decided to go to the United Nations arbitration as negotiations with India and Myanmar in past 35 years failed to resolve the issue. Indian high commissioner Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty and Myanmar ambassador U Phae Thann Oo were called in to the foreign ministry earlier in the day and foreign secretary Mijarul Quayes handed the notifications to them pass it on to their governments.The arbitration notifications were issued a day after prime minister Sheikh Hasina announced in the parliament her government's decisive move towards exploring gas in the Bay and with the state-owned petroleum corporation, Petrobangla, holding negotiations with two international oil companies to award contracts for exploration.Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said in the parliament, 'We want to solve the problems with neighbouring countries without any quarrel. Problems can be solved through discussions.'


Briefing reporters, the foreign minister said that the arbitration would be initiated before a United Nations tribunal to be constituted in accordance with the principles and rules of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea [UNCLOS].
Bangladesh appointed British jurist Vaughn Lowe QC as its arbitrator to plead the country's case at the world body. Bangladesh submitted the notifications of arbitration within weeks after agreeing to lease out three gas blocks in the Bay of Bengal to US company ConocoPhillips and Irish Tullow. ConocoPhillips, the third largest energy company in the US, will get deep-sea blocks 10 and 11 and shallow-sea block 5 will be awarded to Tullow. But India and Myanmar sent objections to ConocoPhillips asking the company not to explore the gas blocks 10 and 11, claiming that some parts of the blocks belonged to their respective territorial waters.
Foreign secretary Mijarul Quayes in a statement said the claims of Bangladesh's neighbours had 'unfairly cut off a significant portion of our maritime area in the Bay of Bengal and prevented us from exploring and exploiting our oil and natural gas resources'.


The Bay of Bengal has become a lucrative territory for countries, especially after India's discovery of 100 trillion cubic feet of gas in 2005-06 and Myanmar's discovery of 7 trillion cubic feet of gas. According to British Petroleum, Myanmar has 21 Trillion Cubic Feet [TCF] of gas reserves, while Bangladesh has 13.77 TCF of gas. Most of them are located in the Bay of Bengali. However, except the discovery of Sangu gas field with about .848 TCF of recoverable gas, Bangladesh has not much of exploration on the five offshore blocks so farii. Bangladesh is very keen on utilizing its offshore reserves for the country's development after they realized that existing gas reserves were smaller than anticipated and predicted that abundant oil & gas reserves are most likely to be present in the offshore region.
In Bangladesh, oil and gas is an economic resource and is vital for the survival of 150 million people living in an area of 147,000 sq km. Gas is a major source of revenue and employment for expanding their industrial growth. Bangladesh has recently been facing shortage of gas, currently produces 1750 million cubic feet of gas a day and faces a shortage of nearly 200 million cubic feet in its daily domestic consumptioniii. This situation exists despite the existence of hydrocarbon in Bangladesh.


Generally wherever gas is found oil is also normally present in its lower strata provided certain geological conditions prevail. Thus, it is expected that the offshore area of Bangladesh may be rich in oil reserves.For several years after taking the lead in 1974 for offshore exploration, Bangladesh hibernated while India and Myanmar aggressively explored and discovered significant petroleum resources. Under the New Exploration Licensing Policy, India offered 55 blocks [24 deepwater blocks beyond 400m bathymetry] to the International Oil Companies [IOCs] in the Bay of Bengal during 2006, which is now under exploration phase. Bangladesh has claimed that the map published by the country clearly showed that blocks D-23 [8,706 square kilo meter] and D-22 [7790 square kilo meter] have overlapped Bangladesh's block 21 declared in 1991, which is technically very hard to prove.
On the other hand, Myanmar made significant gas discovery in the block A-1 and A-3 gas fields in the Bay of Bengal in Rakhaine Province, which is adjacent to Bangladesh. Disturbing part is, Bangladesh hardly knew that Myanmar has claimed certain blocks that are overlapping with their blocks in the Exclusive Economic Zone [EEZ] areas, which they have claimed in 1974. Bangladesh claimed in 2006, that Myanmar had encroached 18,000 square kilometers into Bangladesh waters and floated gas exploration tenders. The first round of talks between Myanmar and Bangladesh took place in April 2008, which was ended inconclusively without making any significant progress in resolving the issue. There seems to be a strong feeling that Bangladesh should have registered their strongest protest against Myanmar's exploration in A-1, A-3 and India's exploration in D-22 and 23, like India had done in 1974 and again in 2008 against Bangladesh.


In 1974, Bangladesh was the first country among the South Asian countries which declared its jurisdictions on territorial waters, economic zones, and continental shelf through a national legislation in the parliament, known as the Territorial and Maritime Zones Act 1974. Regarding the maritime boundary issue, Bangladesh had a negotiation with both India and Myanmar commenced in 1974 and since then, there were series of meetings with the representatives of both countries in the intervening years. Later, negotiations were held with India in 1982 and with Myanmar in 1986 and recently during 2008. However, negotiations remained inconclusive with both India and Myanmar.
In the case of Bangladesh, India and Myanmar, the problem arose when they have taken different approach to demarcate their maritime boundary; because of which, India and Bangladesh bilateral talk's became inconclusive. India offers the equidistant principle as the basis for demarcating maritime boundary, where on Bangladesh favours a principle based on equity, which actually resulted in an area of overlap between them. The same difference in arguments rendered Bangladesh-Myanmar talks inconclusive as well. But, India and Myanmar [opposite States] agreed upon equidistant boundary among themselves on 23rd December 1986 through an agreement, which came into force on 14th September 1987.


According to the UNCLOS- Part V, any such dispute between any two countries should be resolved on the basis of equity and in the light of all the relevant circumstances, taking into account the respective importance of the interests involved to the parties as well as to the international community as a whole. Article 15 says, Delimitation of the territorial sea between States with opposite or adjacent coastsiv are:“Where the coasts of two States are opposite or adjacent to each other, neither of the two States is entitled, failing agreement between them to the contrary, to extend its territorial sea beyond the median line every point of which is equidistant from the nearest points on the baselines from which the breadth of the territorial seas of each of the two States is measured. The above provision does not apply, however, where it is necessary by reason of historic title or other special circumstances to delimit the territorial seas of the two States in a way which is at variance therewith.”


It is clarified that if no treaty exists otherwise [as in case of India-Bangladesh], the equidistant line should be considered as boundary. There is no historic title, nor special circumstances that exist between these two countries. No official stay order was also issued from ICJ [International Court of Justice] on this dispute. Hence, technically Indian claim gets priority over the Bangladesh claim since the former follows the equidistant principle. Assuming that India does not intrude beyond the equidistant line, it is difficult to find technical fault from Indian perspective. There has been no official complain against India lodged in ICJ as well. A similar action by Myanmar few months back sparked enmity between the nations. It should be noted that Bangladesh needs to file the claim to UN by July 27, 2011, a failure of which would enable India and Myanmar to go ahead with their lines of demarcation.
However, the Articles 76 and 82 of the 1982 UNCLOS lay down the methods of delimitation of sea boundary between adjacent states [distinct from opposite states, such as Sri Lanka and India]. According to these articles, first the states shall settle the boundary through negotiations.
If negotiations fail, the principle of equity will apply, implying that justice and fairness must be the hallmark of settlement. Main argument is, delimitation of sea boundary between two adjacent states, such as Bangladesh and India, is different from that of opposite states such as India and Sri Lanka or Australia and Indonesia. The "equidistant method" that is applicable between the opposite countries in respect of delimitation of Exclusive Economic Zone [EEZ] and Continental Shelf cannot be invoked to draw the sea boundary between adjacent countries as it disregards the physical features of coastal areas and does not achieve "an equitable solution" as mandated by the UN Convention. If this method is applied, the boundary between adjacent countries will be unfair, distorted and inequitable. Therefore, sea boundary of Bangladesh with its adjacent neighbours requires to be drawn in terms of the provisions of the UN Convention so as to achieve "an equitable solution”.


The unresolved martime boundary issue has surely put Dhaka, New Delhi and Yangoon in a kind of 'cold war' situation. Sensing Dhaka's initiatives in knocking the doors of United Nations in seeing resolution to the decade-old dispute, both New Delhi and Yangoon have started mobilizing all out diplomatic efforts in raising their voice in favor of their claim on the maritime boundary in Bay of Bengal. In this case, New Delhi will also be able to mobilize its friendly allies in the West as well take the support from Western media, as it enjoys a reputation of being a secular democratic nation in South Asia. On the other hand, Myanmar is considered to be a country ruled by autocratic military junta and Bangladesh a country, till now failing to combat rise of Islamist militancy. Naturally, the entire situation puts New Delhi rather in an advantageous situation. Now it is very important to watch the final fate of Dhaka's efforts in settling the long-dtanding dispute. Surely, this may either end in a all party acceptable conclusion, or may further generate tension amongst the three South Asian nations.

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The Bangladesh-Myanmar Maritime Boundary Dispute


The 3rd World Review


11/06/2008


On the 1st of November four drilling ships from Myanmar started exploration for oil and gas reserves within 50 nautical miles south west of St. Martins Island, in Bangladesh. A South Korean company was awarded the oil and gas exploration contract in that place and two Myanmar naval ships escorted the drilling ships. Three naval ships of Bangladesh went to challenge them but the Myanmar Navy responded by alleging that the Bangladesh Navy ships are trespassing.


This escalated the maritime boundary disputes between Bangladesh and Mayanmar. Mayanmar vowed to continue with the exploration despite the territorial dispute with Bangladesh. Bangladesh Government warned the Myanmar envoy in Bangladesh to immediately suspend all activities within the declared maritime zones of Bangladesh in accordance with the Territorial Waters and Maritime Zones Act 1974 of Bangladesh and sent a high level delegation to Myanmar.


Adding fuel to the fire four Bangladeshi woodcutters were shot dead by the Burmese Nasaka (border force) alleging trespassing into Burmese territory.


But what is the background of this dispute? The Bay of Bengal has become a lucrative territory for the adjacent countries especially after India's discovery of 100 trillion cubic feet of gas in 2005-06 and Burma's discovery of 7 trillion cubic feet of gas. India also discovered oil.


None of the countries in this region so far claimed their marine boundaries before the United Nations (UN). India and Myanmar agreed territory between themselves but they need to solve the maritime boundary issues with Bangladesh as they are set to file their claim to the United Nations on June 29 and May 21, 2009, respectively. Under the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), Bangladesh too has to file its claim within July 27, 2011.


Bangladesh claimed in 2006 that Burma had encroached 18,000 square kilometers into Bangladesh waters and floated gas exploration tenders. The first round of talks between Myanmar and Bangladesh was in April this year but ended inconclusively in Dhaka. Both the sides then agreed to continue with the dialogue to reach a conclusion and meanwhile refrain from intruding into the disputed area for exploration.


Bangladesh has so far refrained from energy exploration in disputed waters. But Myanmar did not. So the country has the right to protect its sovereignty and has demanded the Burmese ships withdraw until a maritime boundary can be established through talks.


The Guardian reports:


The senior official from Burma's foreign ministry told Reuters: "We have no reason to stop the exploration activities since these blocks are located in our exclusive economic zone. We will go ahead with it."


Only a couple of months ago the Vice Chairman of Myanmar Ruling Government during his visit assured Bangladesh that Myanmar will not embark on any drilling in disputed areas of Bay of Bengal and will resolve the boundary dispute through bilateral discussions as per UN guideline. Bangladesh also pressed for early finalization of the demarcation. The next meeting between the parties is due in November 16-17th. Now why Myanmar is going into the offensive?According to the Law of the Sea, Bangladesh can claims 12 nautical miles of territorial sea, 200 nautical miles of Exclusive Economic Zone, and 350 nautical miles of continental shelf in the Bay of Bengal and so does Myanmar.India/Myanmar claim:Bangladesh claim:Images courtesy India Speaks.


The main dispute on maritime boundary delimitation between Bangladesh and Myanmar centres around Bangladeshi views to demarcate in equity basis North to South while Myanmar wants it for eco–distance system in East to West boundary.The issue is not so simple as there are many legal issues and international negotiations at stake. A famous case ruling by International Court of Justice on 'North Sea Continental Shelf' concerning maritime boundaries Federal Republic of Germany, Denmark, Federal Republic of Germany and Netherlands describes the equity method (Page 7):



(1) delimitation is to be effected by agreement in accordance with equitable principles, and taking account of all the relevant circumstances, in such a way as to leave as much as possible to each Party all those parts of the continental shelf that constitute a natural prolongation of its land territory into and under the sea, without encroachment on the natural prolongation of the land territory of the other;Barrister Harunur Rashid has a legal view of Bangladesh's claims.



Engr. Khondkar Abdus Saleque writes in Energy Bangla:


If we fail to stop aggression of neighbours to encroach our maritime boundary through proper diplomatic initiatives we must take resort to UN Convention and move to international court of justice to resolve maritime dispute. We can not afford to compromise our sovereign right on resources. [..] For several months Bangladesh is discussing with Myanmar ruling junta for bilateral cooperation. Trade, energy, communication came under discussions. (But) Bangladesh did not make strong enough protests when ruling junta unleashed cruel actions against freedom loving Myanmar people were struggling for democratic rights.



In this situation it will not be unwise to consider Myanmar unilateral action as a fragrant violation of Bangladesh’s territorial integrity. If we fail to get the required response Bangladesh government must leave nothing unturned to protect our territorial integrity.



Myanmar earned $2.6bn from selling gas last year and these revues keep the country protected from western sanctions.



According to latest reports Myanmar stopped oil and gas exploration in deep-sea blocks in disputed waters in the Bay of Bengal on Thursday, a day after Bangladesh asked China for help over the row. But they are yet to remove vessels and equipment from Bangladesh territory.



Energy Bangla discusses Bangladesh's unresolved maritime boundary dispute with India. India is alleged to have encroached 19,000 square kilometers into Bangladesh waters.



India Speaks defends the case for India:



India and Bangladesh started their bilateral talks way back in 1974, which was inconclusive. India was looking for equidistant border where Bangladesh was for equity based boundary. The same difference in arguments rendered Bangladesh-Myanmar talks inconclusive as well. But, India and Myanmar (opposite States) agreed upon equidistant boundary.



It cannot be denied that Bangladesh is now exposed to international oil and gas politics. We will see more such conflicts between India and Myanmar before 2011 when the maritime boundary is scheduled to be fixed by UN. The government should give more focus to the demarcation issue and employ proper experts and resources to bolster Bangladesh's case.A Daily Star editorial says:


It is important that we make persistent and determined efforts to protect our interests. Bangladesh cannot afford to lose in the bargain for its legitimate share of the oil and gas rich Bay, which will only weaken our case for retaining the territorial waters that belong to us as per international laws.

Monday, May 5, 2008

Is Not the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Mullen, Aware that UNCLOS's 45+ Enviro-Regulatory Provisions Restrict Freedom of Navigation?

http://www.heritage.org/Press/Events/ev041508c.cfm


Comments Made by Admiral Mike Mullen, Chairman U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff


Heritage Foundation


April 15, 2008


Edwin Williamson: “Edwin Williamson, Sullivan and Cromwell, You’re here in the bowels of one of the most outspoken critics of the Law of the Sea Convention, Heritage web site claims, for example, that the ratification of this treaty will undermine our military and intelligence operations – shouldn’t you take this opportunity to comment on the nature and quality of this criticism and the importance of ratification of this treaty?”


Admiral Mullen: “I think it’s very important that we ratify this treaty, I am in the military and I don’t subscribe to those views, and in fact, I think that ratification of this treaty offers an opportunity to participate, and part of this for me is the world that we’re living in now versus the world when that treaty came online initially back in the early 80s I think and there were some challenges with that and those have been repaired, those have been changed, not the least of which was the issue tied I think to mineral rights… I’m someone that grew up around the world and engaging… and I’m very sensitive quite frankly, to the sea aspect of this and the constraints that certain countries could have on the freedom of being able to navigate around the world in a world that’s getting smaller not physically but certainly from the global perspective… so I think those rights that are tied to what’s on that treaty are very important, not just now, but in the future. We are one of the very few outliers in terms of ratification of that treaty, and my view is I think it’s more important to be at the table than to be outside trying to make your case out there and it’s an important one to us in the military.”

Wednesday, February 6, 2008

BUILDING A BRIDGE TO NOWHERE BUT OBLIVION: USG Funding Of UNCLOS & UN Environment Program Will Undermine US Sovereignty

BUILDING A BRIDGE TO NOWHERE BUT OBLIVION **


The UNCLOS has not been properly researched and scientifically investigated by the U.S. Executive and Legislative branches. Neither have these organs of U.S. government closely examined whether the UNCLOS's environmental regulatory rules can: 1) advance sound environmental policy; 2) ensure objective, balanced enforcement free from the political influence of special interests’ having philosophical/political and economic leanings antithetical to free markets and the protection of private property rights; and 3) guarantee that the Rule of Law, NOT the Rule by Law, is the order of the day - i.e., that Rule of Law is NOT undermined, circumvented or usurped to support a system of unaccountable supranational power where top-down rather than bottom-up Global Governance reigns.


As a result of inadequate executive and legislative branch research and oversight of the UNCLOS and its relationship to the burgeoning United Nations Environment Program (UNEP), U.S. policymakers have remained largely unaware of how the U.S. State Department continues to fund and seek future funding for these organizations/institutions - despite the fact that such funding can be and, in some cases, is actually being employed against U.S. national sovereign interests. For one thing, the UNEP is the multilateral environmental treaty-making machine of the UN, which the European Union, specifically, France and Germany, aim to enlarge and reform into an International Environmental Organization with vast powers to facilitate global environmental regulatory and economic governance over U.S. affairs, based on other than free market, private property, rule of law and scientific principles.


It is therefore surprising that the U.S. State Department has actually funded the UNEP in the neighborhood of $42.17 million from 2004-2007 ($10.94 million – 2004, $10.91 million – 2005, $10.16 million – 2006, $10.16 million – 2007), has estimated that actual 2008 UNEP funding will be $10.42 million, and has recently requested additional 2009 UNEP funding in the amount of $9.52 million – for a total of $19.94 ($20) more million, for a grand total of actual, estimated and projected UNEP funding for 2004-2009 of $62.11 million! [1] Adding insult to injury, the U.S. State Department has also, on at least two occasions, sought federal budget line funding for the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) and the International Seabed Authority (ISBA). These funding requests were submitted FY 2006 $3.1 million (ITLOS - $1.9 million + ISBA - $1.2 million) and just recently FY 2009 $4.9 million (ITLOS – $3.6 million + ISBA - $1.3 million)! [2]


What is the sound rationale justifying the U.S. Department of State's appropriation of monies to the UNCLOS [a treaty not yet ratified], to the tune of approximately $5 million dollars? If the monies are being allocated to the UNCLOS, where other treaty parties hostile to U.S. interests are 1) refocusing and reshaping the UNCLOS into a more communal, centralized social system and 2) planning to utilize the interrelationship between the UNCLOS and the UNEP to promote the development of a global governance system that compromises U.S. national sovereignty, are we not undermining ourselves by building a “Bridge That Leads to Nowhere”, but oblivion?


**[THE ITSSD WISHES TO THANK CLIFF KINCAID OF AMERICA'S SURVIVAL (http://www.usasurvival.org ) FOR BRINGING THE U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT'S PROPOSED FY 2009 BUDGET LINE FUNDING OF THESE UNCLOS BODIES TO OUR ATTENTION]


[1] See U.S. State Department “Summary and Highlights - International Affairs Function 150 Budget Requests”, ‘Contributions to International Organizations’, FY 2009 at p. 92, at: http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/100014.pdf ; FY 2008 at p. 109, at: http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/80151.pdf ; FY 2007 at p. 88, at: http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/60297.pdf ; FY 2006 at p. 90, at: http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/41913.pdf .

[2] See U.S. State Department “Summary and Highlights - International Affairs Function 150 Budget Requests”, ‘Contributions to International Organizations’, FY 2006, supra at p. 92; FY 2009, supra at p. 96.

Sunday, January 27, 2008

Industry Brief: Law of the Sea Treaty Pros & Cons Debate

http://www.industrywatch.com/pages/iw2/Story.nsp?story_id=113725075&ID=iw&scategory=Aerospace%3AHardware&P=&F=&R=&VNC=hnall


Industry Brief: Law of the Sea Treaty


The Officer, January 18, 2008


By Brooks, Will


ROA's Defense Education Forum hosted a debate on the United Nations Law of the Sea Treaty Oct. 17 at the Minuteman Memorial Building in order to establish the major arguments both for and against this treaty.


The debate featured four panelists: two in favor of the treaty's ratification, CAPT Patrick Neher, USN, and J. Ashley Roach, of the U.S. State Department's Office of the Legal Adviser; two against the treaty, Frank Gaffneyjr., and Lawrence Kogan, President and CEO of the Institute for Trade, Standards, and Sustainable Development.


CAPT Neher and Mr. Gaffney continue their debate in the two essays on these pages.



The Senate Foreign Relations Committee voted 17-4 in favor of the treaty on Oct. 31, sending the treaty to the Senate floor. A treaty requires at least a two-thirds vote in the Senate to ratify it, a feat that may not be possible given growing Republican opposition toward this treaty. President George W. Bush supports the treaty.



Aye: Law of the Sea Convention will enhance our national security.


By CAPT Patrick Neher, USN



We are at war. The president, his war cabinet, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the commandant of the Coast Guard agree that joining the Law of the Sea Convention will enhance our national security.



The Convention codifies navigation rights and freedoms essential for the global mobility of our armed forces and the sustainment of our combat troops. Benefits include the following:


* 12 nautical-mile limit to territorial seas;

* innocent passage through territorial seas;

* archipelagic sea lanes passage through island nations such as Indonesia;

* ability to lay and maintain submarine cables for communication;

* warship right-of-approach and -visit;

* sovereign immunity of warships and public vessels;

* transit passage in international straits and their approaches;

* high seas freedoms in exclusive economic zones (EEZs).



The last two are the most important. Transit passage gives us freedom of movement above, on, and below the surface in critical chokepoints such as the Straits of Singapore and Malacca, Hormuz, Gibraltar, and the Bab el Mandeb. Exercising high seas freedoms in foreign EEZs includes conducting military activities.



Our non-party status is hurting us. It denies us a seat at the table when the 155 parties to the Convention interpret or try to amend those rights and freedoms; it denies us use of an important enforcement tool against coastal state encroachment (binding dispute resolution); it prevents us from gaining legal certainty for our extended continental shelf in the Arctic and elsewhere; and it denies U.S. companies access to deep seabed mining sites.


[IF THE U.S. IS AT WAR, WHY DOES IT NEED LEGAL CERTAINTY OVER ITS MILITARY ACTIONS THAT ARE SUPPOSED TO BE EXEMPT FROM LOST TRIBUNALS ANYWAY??]


Convention opponents are wrong. The Convention does not provide the United Nations control over 71 percent of the Earth's surface, nor will an international body levy taxes or regulate the Navy.


[THE NAVY OBVIOUSLY DOESN'T UNDERSTAND EVOLVING INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL LAW WELL ENOUGH TO SEE THE EMERGING TAX AND REGULATIONS REGIME COMING FORTH FROM THE UNITED NATIONS]


A U.S. resolution of advice and consent will reject the International Court of Justice and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea and remove military activities from dispute resolution. The military activities exemption in the Convention is ironclad; it permits a nationand solely a nation-to completely reject all of the dispute resolution procedures for any matter it determines to be a military activity.


[THIS IS NOT TRUE AS A MATTER OF INTERNATIONAL LAW - EITHER THE INTERNATIONAL TRIBUNAL ON THE LAW OF THE SEA (ITLOS) OR ARBITRAL BODIES CAN UNILATERALLY DETERMINE, FOR JURISDICTIONAL AND SUBSTANTIVE LAW PURPOSES, WHAT TYPES OF ACTIVITIES QUALIFY AS 'MILITARY ACTIVITIES'. THUS THERE IS NO 'IRONCLAD' EXEMPTION] *******


President Ronald Reagan supported the Convention except for six specific objections to the deep seabed mining provisions, and those were fixed in 1994.


[THIS ALSO IS NOT TRUE - THE RECENTLY RELEASED REAGAN DIARIES AND THE PUBLISHED STATEMENTS OF FORMER U.S. AMBASSADOR JAMES MALONE CONTRADICT THESE CLAIMS]***


It is both the original Convention and the 1994 agreement that are before the Senate. We already are formally bound to and abide by innocent passage rules, including submarine passage in foreign territorial seas. The first sentence of Article 110 makes clear that the interdiction authorities it provides, which are substantial, are in addition to other interdiction authorities extant. The Proliferation Security Initiative requires compliance with international law, including the Convention, and almost all our partners are already parties to the Convention. Language reserving the ocean for peaceful purposes and prohibiting use or threat of force in a manner inconsistent with the UN Charter merely restates obligations we already have and fully supported.


ROA has a proud tradition of supporting a strong military policy for the United States, and therefore it should support the Law of the Sea Convention.


CAPT Neher is the director of the International and Operational Law Office of the Judge Advocate General in the Pentagon.



Nay: U.S. Navy will rue the day it urged Law of the Sea ratification.


By Frank J. Gaffney Jr.



As the debate over the ratification of the controversial UN. Law of the Sea Treaty (LOST) moves to the floor of the U.S. Senate, it appears that a principal-if not decisive-consideration will be the insistence by the Navy that it needs this accord to perform its missions. If past experience is any guide, however, the nation's sea services are likely to be victims of this treaty, not beneficiaries of it.



The Navy's enthusiasm for LOST arises from provisions that codify navigation rules of the road deemed essential for the mobility of our forces. If that were all the treaty did, such enthusiasm would be warranted.



Unfortunately, the Law of the Sea Treaty has a host of other provisions as well. Some will be harmful to U.S. sovereignty, representative government, and commercial interests. Even if the accord were an unalloyed blessing for the Navy, these costs to the country would net out far in excess of its putative benefits to the naval service.



For the following reasons, though, it is predictable that the Navy will also be a loser under LOST.


The treaty contains at least six provisions inconsistent with the Navy's standard operating procedures. These impose limits on uses of the oceans, submerged transit of and intelligence collection in territorial waters, interceptions on the high seas, and research and development. There are also sweeping environmental obligations that will affect both the Navy's own activities and those of commercial contractors vital to its equipping, maintenance, and logistics.



When-not if-disputes arise over U.S. conduct at odds with these commitments, we will be obliged to submit to binding, unappealable dispute resolution mechanisms. All four of these mechanisms will be rigged against us, with the deciding votes selected by parties generally unsympathetic to this country.



The Navy is counting on an exemption in the treaty for "military activities" to prevent it from being subjected to these stacked- deck arrangements. While that exemption exists, it is unlikely in practice to protect the Navy's equities.


First, such activities are undefined, allowing a LOST tribunal to determine whether, for example, the use of high-power sonar is a military action or environmental predation. second, Navy contractors enjoy no "military" exemption. Third, notions of "universal jurisprudence" can trump the preferences and even the laws of sovereign nations. At this writing, the U.S. Supreme Court is weighing whether to agree with the Bush Administration that a ruling by the World Court (one of LOST's four designated arbitral tribunals) should override Texas statutes in a criminal case. Navy equities will likely be subject to similar perils if LOST is ratified.



The bottom line is that the Navy has enough trouble at the moment with environmentalists and others using various legal instruments to impede or prevent its activities, a practice increasingly known as "Lawfare."
The Navy will come to rue the day if, at its urging, the Senate agrees to the ratification of LOST and subjects this country to still more, and evermore onerous, forms of such warfare by judicial means.



Mr. Gaffney was assistant secretary of defense in the Defense Department of President Ronald Reagan. He is a recipient of the Alfred Thayer Mahan Award for literary achievement from the U.S. Navy League.


WILL BROOKS * DIRECTOR, ROA NAVAL SERVICES SECTION


Copyright Reserve Officers Association Jan 2008


(c) 2008 Officer, The. Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning. All rights Reserved
.



Publication Date: Arrival Time: 2008-01-18

© 2008, YellowBrix, Inc.

Saturday, January 19, 2008

The Precautionary Principle in the Law of the Sea

Ecologic (Germany)


Book: The Precautionary Principle in the Law of the Sea - Modern decision Making in International Law


By Simon Marr, lawyer with Ecologic Legal (2003)


Publisher: Martinus Nijhoff, Den Haag/London
Pages: 253
Language: English
ISBN: 90 411 2015 7


The purpose of this study is to examine the present status of implementation of the precautionary principle in the law of the sea and to extract evidence of its acceptance as part of customary international law.


The thesis examines the precautionary principle in the law of the sea. The precautionary principle is a risk management tool for policy makers which has been broadly implemented in international environmental law in a variety of different sectors and formulations. It is best described in Principle 15 of the Rio Declaration which states that "Where there are threats of serious or irreversible damage, lack of full scientific certainty shall not be used as a reason for postponing cost-effective measures to prevent environmental degradation".


For example, it is commonly applied in the area of health, the environment and sustainable development. Despite the fact that it has been implemented in a number of international treaties as well as national laws, its content and status is still highly debated and various questions arise which make further examination of the precautionary principle necessary. Questions such as: its status as a rule of customary international law including its scope, addressee, triggering threshold, precautionary action measures, and eventually limits of the precautionary principle still have not been clarified, and it seems as if vagueness and ambiguity preclude a more detailed evaluation of these questions.


Thus, the purpose of this study is to examine the present state of affairs regarding the implementation of the precautionary principle in the law of the sea and to extract evidence of its acceptance as part of customary international law.


The scope of this study is limited by its primary focus upon the precautionary principle in different sectors in the law of the sea, i.e. pollution of the marine environment, conservation and management of marine living resources, and transboundary transports of radioactive and hazardous wastes. To this end, it is deemed important to scrutinize the precautionary principle on a sector-by-sector basis, discovering whether it has been implemented in different sectors differently.


As environmental protection is difficult to restrict to specific sectors, however, in some cases the scope has been extended to areas not directly linked to marine environment, i.e. air emissions of hazardous substances. Furthermore, this study is not meant to be exhaustive, focusing only on the most pertinent international or national implementations of the precautionary principle in the relative sectors.


Moreover, Chapter 4 draws upon national court decisions dealing in most cases with the licensing requirements of the relative authorities and which have no direct bearing on marine pollution. This study takes these licensing requirements into account since the overall sector in which the courts decided was that of environmental protection. Hence, they are secondarily related to the marine environment and could serve as an indicator for the justiciability of the precautionary principle in national jurisprudence.


Chapter 1 sets out the history and some basic considerations of the precautionary principle. Chapter 2 identifies the key to the precautionary principle: science and its implications. Chapter 3 formulates limits to the precautionary principle. The subsequent chapters then turn to the state practice in different sectors: Chapter 4 - pollution of the marine environment, Chapter 5 - marine biodiversity, Chapter 6 - dumping of radioactive and hazardous substances and incineration, Chapter 7 - conservation and management of marine living resources, and Chapter 8 - transboundary movements of radioactive and hazardous substances, where the implementation of the precautionary principle in international agreements, national legislation and its application in litigation as far as available will be scrutinized. Chapter 9 sets out the prerequisites for state practice as accepted custom, which would also be the applied standard for finally evaluating whether the precautionary principle has evolved into a rule of customary law. Last but not least, Chapter 10 will draw some preliminary conclusions.


Key conclusions


One key conclusion of this thesis is the fact that the precautionary principle has developed from a "soft law" instrument with only guiding qualities for policy makers to a "hard rule" of customary international law in the sectors of pollution of the marine environment and conservation and management of living marine resources.





This thesis demonstrates that as a minimum standard the precautionary principle as a rule of customary international law is best reflected in Principle 15 of the Rio Declaration. It also shows that there is an emerging practice of law which makes the precautionary principle subject to a proportionality test which includes a cost-benefit analysis. In addition to these findings, this thesis shows which sectors of the law of the sea the precautionary principle is being applied to in a common way. To this end, it indicates that there is also an emerging practice of international law, which includes, inter alia, to make GMOs subject to a strict risk analysis, discharge ballast water on the high seas, decommission disused offshore platforms on land or make the transit passage of ships carrying radioactive or hazardous waste dependent on prior notification or authorization.


Furthermore, this thesis argues that in relation to procedural matters, the precautionary principle as a rule of customary international law includes the switch of the burden of proof. Accordingly, the onus of proof for the harmlessness of the effects of an environmentally sensitive activity lies with the one wanting to pursue the activity. To this end, under certain conditions the application of the precautionary principle as a rule of customary law can also have an impact on the provisional measures according to Art. 290 (5) of the Law of the Sea Convention.